independent expenditure campaigns

It is such a fact of life in Minnesota politics that it is hardly even questioned anymore — Democrats will raise and spend more money than Republicans.

Credit —  if you are a DFLer — or blame —  if you are Republican — a more-than-decade-old fundraising network that combines a fundraising machine fueled by labor and some wealthy donors with potent data-driven campaigns. The state DFL party, the two DFL legislative caucuses, labor unions and their political action committees (PACs) and a permanent, full-time apparatus assures that the DFL is not short of funds to be competitive in statewide and legislative races.

The latest reports filed with the state Campaign Finance Board puts that on display — again. DFL-affiliated organizations are at the top of the list of fundraising and spending. The state DFL is outraising the state GOP; the DFL legislative caucuses are outraising the GOP caucuses; labor is outraising business; progressive PACs are outraising conservative PACs.

The triumvirate of DFL committees are the We All Do Better PAC, WIN Minnesota and Alliance for a Better Minnesota. The first two raise money, and ABM spends it. The two cash-gathering committees are run by longtime DFL finance guru Denise Cardinal, with WIN Minnesota being funded by well-off individual donors and We All Do Better fed both by individuals and labor money. Both then give money to a variety of DFL-affiliated independent expenditure campaigns led by ABM. It is ABM that commissions polls and hires political advertising experts and places ads to help DFL candidates and hurt their opponents.

State DFL groups also have partnerships with national Democratic money. The Minnesota Family Prosperity Fund, for example, benefits from money from the AFL-CIO-connected Our American Future Action. And after the Sept. 17 cutoff for the latest CFB reports, Alliance for a Better Minnesota received $478,000 from State Victory Fund, a Democratic PAC based in North Carolina.

Republicans are trying to catch up with a new fund this year: Renew Minnesota. It was created by the Minnesota Private Business Council and has broken into the list of top fundraisers and spenders. Business groups like the Pro Jobs Majority and the Minnesota Business Partnership serve as major donors to GOP legislative races. Like DFL organizations, these GOP committees get help from national Republican PACs like the Republican State Leadership Committee (RSLC) and GOPAC.

There is also a close and intertwined relationship between funders, especially unions, and the state DFL party and the two DFL legislative caucuses. And there is a significant difference between independent expenditure committees and political funds. Independent expenditure committees can accept corporate donations because they don't contribute directly to candidates, who are blocked by state law from benefiting from corporate money. IE spending must be made without consultation or cooperation with candidates. Political committees, because they make both independent expenditures and direct contributions to candidates, cannot accept corporate contributions. All contributions to candidates are capped by state law, but independent expenditures are not.

Both parties try to spin the numbers. House DFL leaders called their numbers their “all-time strongest fundraising.”

“Our record-breaking fundraising shows Minnesotans support the work we are doing,” said House Speaker Melissa Hortman, DFL-Brooklyn Park, in a statement.

The House GOP also claimed a personal best.

“I am grateful for the generous support we’ve seen from our donors, grassroots supporters and our members,” House Minority Leader Lisa Demuth, R-Cold Spring, said.

And the state DFL took the opportunity to dunk on Republicans who have struggled for a decade to close fundraising gaps.

“DFL enters last 40 days with a 9 to 1 cash advantage over MNGOP,” read the party’s press release.

In addition to giving to caucus and party committees, union funds and interest group funds engage in their own efforts in legislative races, either by giving directly to candidates or launching their own campaigning targeted at their own members or through direct voter engagement.

It is also important to note that some large donations are sent just after the reporting periods for CFB reports pass. Whether that is meant to obscure donations or not, the state law requires such large donations to be reported separately to the board within 24 hours. One example is that after this reporting period closed, the We All Do Better PAC got $600,000 from the national AFSCME public employee union and ABM received $500,000 from the We All Do Better PAC.

Much of the spending is targeted on the dozen or so races in swing districts that will determine which party controls the Minnesota House next year. And while past election results and demographics point out those “races to watch,” the money trail confirms it. Independent expenditure and political committee spending puts a red flag on the races that matter in 2024.

For the most part, the big money is being directed toward the big races (including MinnPost’s Races to Watch). And, given the DFL dominance of fundraising, it is not shocking that their candidates are leading in the independent expenditure totals as well.

There are a few surprises, though — races that have not made most of the watch lists such as Tonka Bay Republican Rep. Andrew Myers’ defense of district 45A vs. DFLer Tracey Breazeale.

Editor's note: This story was updated to correct the spelling of Jess Hanson's last name in the legislative chart. The story was also corrected to remove a statement that the business-affiliated PAC Renew received a $100,000 contribution from the Republican State Leadership Committee after the current reporting period. That money was received before the cutoff for the September report and is included in the totals shown in the graph.

Peter Callaghan

Peter Callaghan covers state government for MinnPost. Follow him on Twitter @CallaghanPeter or email him at pcallaghan@minnpost.com.

Michael Nolan is a freelance data journalist working with MinnPost ahead of the 2024 election.