Minnesota campaign finance reports filed late last month display one of the truths of political spending in this state and most states: the real money is found not in the accounts of individual candidates but in the web of political funds, political committees, caucus campaign arms and independent expenditure committees.
While caucus leaders do expect their candidates to show they can raise money, having skin in the game for their own campaigns, high priority races will get most of their money from political entities out of the candidate’s control. The state caps how much a candidate can receive from each donor and if the candidate signs a public subsidy agreement to get some state funds for their campaigns, they also agree to cap the amount they spend on that campaign.
The July report covers the period when these committees are raising funds, though spending will not appear in high volumes until the pre-general election report due to the Campaign Finance Board by Oct. 28. Until then, the scope and volume of 2024 campaign spending for one state Senate race and all state House races won’t be known.
Here are some definitions to describe how state campaign finance law treats different types of political spending groups:
- Independent Expenditure committees and funds: These organizations can accept corporate contributions because they do not give money directly to candidates or parties. Instead they fund electioneering efforts that help or hurt candidates such as TV or digital ads. No contributions or spending caps apply to these entities. The difference between an independent expenditure committee and fund is that “committees” exist solely to engage in campaigns, while “funds” are the political arms of organizations that exist primarily for other reasons, such as a union or trade association.
- Political committees and funds: These organizations are not free to accept corporate contributions because they either only give directly to candidates or some of their giving is to candidates. Money given to candidates is capped by state limits but these groups can give unlimited amounts to other organizations and are also able to make independent expenditures to help or hurt candidates for office. A political fund, like an independent expenditure fund, is an off-shoot of another organization such as a union or a business trade association.
- Campaign committees: These are the traditional organizations created by candidates to wage their campaigns for office. Contributions to such committees are capped by state law and if candidates sign up for public subsidies, they agree to total spending limits set in state law. These candidate committees cannot accept money from corporations.
- Caucus and party committees: The four legislative caucuses as well as the state and local party organizations may not accept corporate money, but may accept contributions in unlimited amounts, make contributions to candidates that are subject to limits, make unlimited independent expenditures and — like political committees and funds — make contributions in unlimited amount to other party units and political committees.
Expenditures can be found on the Minnesota Campaign Finance Board website.
Editor’s note: Because this examination looks at money received, there will be some instances of double counting, for example if one group receives funds and then gives money to another group. In October, MinnPost will attempt to correct for such movements of money among groups by measuring only the final disposition of campaign money — the dollars spent to help or hurt candidates.
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Party Committees
House DFL Caucus
The committee run by House Speaker Melissa Hortman is a powerhouse among the four legislative caucuses, raising four times its House GOP counterpart. Money comes from unions that traditionally give exclusively to the DFL or give substantial amounts — including Education Minnesota ($250,000), AFSCME Council 5/state employees ($150,000), the Minnesota Association of Professional Employees/state employees ($150,000) — as well as wealthy individuals like Alida Messinger and Vance Opperman ($100,000) and national committees like the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee ($100,000). It has received $200,000 from the national Democratic-connected PAC for America’s Future. It also raised money from DFL legislators who aren’t in competitive races — in effect, most of them. And Friday the national Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee announced a $250,000 contribution to the House caucus. The Minnesota House and Senate are among the group’s targets spread over nine battleground states.
House GOP Caucus
House Republicans do not have the types of groups to tap into the way the DFL has with labor unions. It raises money from individuals, from its own caucus members and from business and trade associations — but in much smaller amounts. Many make their own expenditures to support GOP candidates and oppose the DFL, such as the Minnesota Business Partnership ($10,000), the state Realtors ($25,000) and the Minnesota Chamber of Commerce ($7,500). The Minnesota Police and Peace Officers Association has given the caucus $55,000. Some unions do give to GOP funds but usually after giving to the DFL. The Operating Engineers, for example, have given $125,000 to the House DFL and $101,750 to the GOP caucus. The Carpenters union gave $75,000 to the DFL; $12,500 to the GOP.
DFL and GOP Senate caucuses
These two campaign committees have one job in 2024 — win the only Senate seat on the ballot and either retain party control of the Senate or flip that body to the Republicans. DFLer Ann Johnson Stewart will face Republican Kathleen Fowke in a race that will attract money from the caucuses but also the political committees and independent expenditure committees.
State DFL vs. State GOP
Again, Democrats have a much-more robust fundraising effort than Republicans — raising $3.6 million this year on top of the $950,000 they rolled over from 2023. The party covers costs of party and campaign infrastructure, from office space for itself and the legislative caucus campaign committees to get-out-the-vote efforts, polling, digital campaigning and an array of staff in offices around the state. Some of the income it receives is reimbursements for those efforts from House and Senate caucuses.
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Its other income arrives from familiar sources — unions like the big state employee union, AFSCME Council 5 ($248,000), Education Minnesota (109,000) and the Laborers Union ($110,000). It also received $65,000 from the Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux PAC and $300,000 from Alida Messinger.
The state GOP announced in May that a dinner at its state convention featuring Donald Trump brought it out of a deficit. That’s the good news because it still is dwarfed by the DFL, having raised just $296,000 so far this year with that money going mostly for office expenses and renting the St. Paul River Center for that state convention ($55,000).
DFL Organizations
We All Do Better PAC: This is one of the Big Three DFL affiliated organizations that work together to raise and spend money to help DFLers and damage Republicans. Named for the Paul Wellstone saying that has become a mantra for Minnesota Democrats (“We all do better when we all do better”), it works closely with WIN Minnesota and the Alliance for a Better Minnesota to fuel DFL campaign efforts. All of the totals reported last month will be dwarfed by what is raised and spent by November.
We All Do Better is run by DFL finance guru Denise Cardinal (who also leads WIN Minnesota). It received $450,000 from the Alliance for a Better Minnesota, $300,000 from the Laborers Union, $200,000 from the state employee union Minnesota Association of Professional Employees (MAPE) and $50,000 each from major DFL individual donors Alida Messinger and Vance Opperman. After the July report was filed, the organization reported a $300,000 donation from AFSCME Council 5.
On the expenditure side, there was only one — $800,000 to the Alliance for a Better Minnesota.
WIN Minnesota: Another Cardinal run organization, it has just begun its collection of money from major donors with much coming from Messenger ($550,000), Opperman ($50,000) and Jim Deal ($50,000)
Alliance for Better Minnesota: The organization that helps DFL campaigns by both boosting its candidates and attacking their GOP opponents is just getting started in the July reports. It has received $900,000, with $800,000 coming from We All Do Better and $100,000 from a national Democratic group called the Progress Now PAC. That PAC operates under the slogan “Building the Online Progressive Movement” and lists the Alliance as its Minnesota affiliate.
Minnesota Family Prosperity Fund: The organization is affiliated with national organizations, having received its entire $1,010,000 in contributions from North Star Prosperity which received $1 million from the national Our American Future Action which is an arm of the national AFL-CIO. The labor group should not be confused with a new GOP group founded by former congressional candidate Tyler Kistner called Our American Future.
The PAC for America’s Future: Another local group affiliated with a national organization, the PAC for America’s Future focuses on state legislative races. Nearly all of the money it has raised so far this year came from Barry Munger, a New York City fashion photographer who gave $1.5 million. In 2022, $1 million was given to the PAC by Wendy Munger, Barry’s sister.
Planned Parenthood: The abortion-rights organization has both a political committee and an independent expenditure committee. The Planned Parenthood of Minnesota PAC has rolled over from 2023 and raised in 2024 about $750,000 with the largest contributions coming from Alida Messinger at $100,000 and Martha Gabbert at $130,000. The Planned Parenthood Political Action Fund of Minnesota has $340,000 raised with $150,000 of that coming from the related Planned Parenthood Action Fund of Minnesota, North Dakota and South Dakota. It has given money to individual DFL candidates and to party organizations.
Movement Voter PAC: the money here comes mostly from individual donors from across the U.S. and has given money to Faith in Minnesota Action ($430,000), Unidos We Win ($30,000) and Minneapolis for the Many ($85,000).
Faith in Minnesota Action: This political group gets much of its more than $1 million from regular monthly donors though it did get substantial money from the Movement Voter PAC and $115,000 from Phyllis Wiener of Minneapolis. Much of its spending is for field organizers and canvassers though it did transfer $200,000 to the state DFL central committee.
Unions: It is hard to overestimate the impact of union fundraising clout on state campaigns. While construction trades unions give to both parties and their candidates, most union money that comes from dues check offs goes to DFL candidates and to the large organizations that coordinate their efforts.
GOP Organizations
Renew Minnesota: This is a new political independent expenditure committee that is affiliated with the conservative business group founded by former GOP attorney general candidate Jim Schultz. The Minnesota Private Business Council has given Renew $225,000, with $125,000 of that coming after the July CFB report. It has also received $100,000 from the national Republican State Leadership Committee. Renew did take part in some House primary races and has begun to seed GOP campaigns in battleground districts, including giving $34,000 to Rep Natalie Zeleznikar in House 3B which is a top DFL target.
GOP-supporting business groups: The Pro Job Majority, the MN Jobs Coalition, the Coalition of Minnesota Businesses and the MN Business Partnership are key contributors to GOP legislative campaigns. The Jobs Coalition works closely with the national Republican Legislative Leadership Committee and received its first $100,000 from that group after the deadline for the July CFB reports. The Pro Jobs Majority is a function of the Minnesota Chamber and received $500,000 from the chamber so far. The Coalition of Minnesota Businesses and the MN Business Partnership are both connected to the Partnership that represents the state’s largest corporations.
Advance Minnesota: This Republican-affiliated group works closely with the national GOPAC which focuses on state legislative races. While it has only reported $60,500 raised this year, it rolled over nearly $640,000 from 2023 when it reported $495,000 from GOPAC and $50,000 from the Republican Legislative Leadership Committee.
Americans for Prosperity: This local affiliate of the national libertarian/conservative organization founded by the Koch brothers showed no money raised in 2024 until a post-filing report indicated it received $740,000 from the national organization in Virginia.
Editor's note: This story has been updated to correct in text the amount the Operating Engineers gave to the House GOP caucus.
Peter Callaghan
Peter Callaghan covers state government for MinnPost. Follow him on Twitter @CallaghanPeter or email him at pcallaghan@minnpost.com.
